DONALD R. FORSDYKE
Jerne's_Defense_of_Clonal_Selection
'Near_Self'_or_'Altered_Self'?
End_Note_June_2011 Eichman's Network Collective
End_Note_Jan_2012 MHC as Blank Slate Scenario
End_Note_Feb_2013 Mel backs off
End_Note_Mar_2013 Absense-of-Knowledge Postulate
End_Note_Oct_2013_Two_Signal_Support
End_Note_Oct_2014_Positive_Selection_Support
End_Note_Aug_2016_Natural_Antibody_Blank_Slate_Scenario
End_Note_Sept_2017_Close_to_Self_and_Near-Self
End_Note_Dec_2017_Non-Germ-Line_Influence_on_TCR
End_Note_May_2018_Germinal_Centre_B_Cell_Positive_Selection
End_Note_June_2018_Trump_and_Jerne
End_Note_April_2019_For-the-record:_Letter_from_FM_Burnet_1966
Abstract Observations suggesting the existence of natural antibody prior to exposure of an organism to the corresponding antigen, led to the natural selection theory of antibody formation of Jerne in 1955, and to the two signal hypothesis of Forsdyke in 1968. Aspects of these were not only first discoveries but also foundational discoveries in that they influenced contemporaries in a manner that, from our present vantage point, appears to have been constructive. Jerne's later hypothesis (1971), that antibody-like receptors on lymphocytes were selected over evolutionary time for reactivity with the major histocompatibility complex (MHC) antigens of the species, was a first, but it was incorrect, and was foundational only to the extent that it emphasized the need to explain the Simonsen phenomenon. Although easily construed as derivative of Jerne (1971), the affinity/avidity model of Forsdyke (1975), which predicted that cell-surface components, including MHC antigens, would restrict antigen-reactivity by somatically shaping lymphocyte repertoires, was actually an extension of the two signal hypothesis. While presenting a mechanism for the positive selection of lymphocyte repertoires, and explaining the Simonsen phenomenon, the affinity/avidity model was not foundational in that it had to be independently rediscovered. For science to advance optimally we must seek to close temporal gaps so that first discoveries are also foundational. Listening to young scientists may be part of the solution. |
Keywords: Affinity/avidity model,
Ehrlich's dilemma, Niels Jerne, major histocompatibility complex, positive
repertoire selection, Simonsen phenomenon
Introduction
The clonal selection theory transformed immunology (Burnet
1959; Forsdyke 1995a).1 Analysis of this paradigm shift, comparable
to the emergence of Mendelism a half century earlier, is an on-going task
(Soderqvist and Stillwell 1999). As with Mendelism (Barber 1961; Cock and
Forsdyke 2008), the transition involved colorful figures and spirited defenses
of old ways. Much of the transformation occurred in the decade that began with
the natural selection theory of Jerne (1955). In the following decade clonal
selection was consolidated and extended. The extensions included the two signal
hypothesis and the affinity/avidity model for the shaping of lymphocyte
repertoires.
In a
deeply perceptive biography, Soderqvist (2003) related the various roles of
Niels Jerne in these 'decades of major and radical transition in the field'
(Soderqvist and Stillwell 1999). As a laboratory scientist and theoretician, I
was, in a small way, also a participant in the transition. Thus, I am able to
contribute elements to the story that may be of historical interest. Apart from
providing primary source material, the present paper draws attention to problems
of the young theoretician, and the need to close the gap between first
discoveries and discoveries later deemed to have been foundational in the sense
that they have positively contributed to scientific advance.
Natural Antibody
Historians have suggested that the first two signal hypothesis was that which I presented in 1968 (Podolsky and Tauber 1997, p. 152; Doherty and Robertson 2004). There is a parallel between the genesis of this hypothesis and the earlier genesis of the natural selection theory of antibody formation (Jerne 1955); both were inspired by the idea of 'natural antibody.' There is also a link with later emerging ideas on the shaping of lymphocyte repertoires prior to an organism's encounter with foreign antigens (Jerne 1971).2
The
natural selection theory came to the 42 year old Niels Jerne while walking near
the Knippel Bridge in Copenhagen in the summer of 1954 (Soderqvist 2003, p.
247). By this date he was an established figure in his field - a man of
considerable savoir faire with friends who could smooth the path to
publication, achieved in November 1955. On the other hand, the two signal
hypothesis came one spring day in 1966 to a 27 year old, relatively naive,
doctoral student in Cambridge, England.
Jerne later gave an account of the genesis of his theory (Jerne 1966); but
Soderqvist (1994), from a study of Jerne's archived papers, concluded that his
autobiographical story 'is not satisfactory as a source document for the
reconstruction of conceptual origins.' The same caveat may apply to the story
the
For both
Jerne and myself, ideas were triggered by experimental observations relating to
'natural antibody' - antibody present in an organism prior to that organism's
exposure to the specific antigen to which the antibody could bind. When studying
the reactivity of viruses with blood serum in the spring of 1954, Jerne
unexpectedly discovered an activity - dubbed 'P-star' - which he interpreted as
due to natural antibody. This set off a train of thought leading to a theory of
antibody formation that seemed to unify disparate observations better than some
alternatives (Jerne 1955). He postulated a process by which an organism would,
somehow, randomly generate a repertoire of antibodies covering a wide range of
specificities. An incoming antigen (e.g. virus) would select the antibody that best
complemented it, and would then conduct it to a cell where the antibody would,
somehow, be replicated and secreted in large quantities (thus increasing
protection against the virus). At the time of their first 'natural' generation,
antibodies that reacted with 'self' antigens would have been absorbed by
'structures in the body of the animal itself' so that auto-immune reactivity
would not develop.
In the
decade that followed there were many outstanding discoveries that reoriented
immunology within a clonal selection framework. From a state of relative
impoverishment, immunological knowledge suddenly expanded. The randomization
process postulated by Jerne would first generate a repertoire, not of
antibodies, but of lymphocytes bearing antibody-like receptors. Each lymphocyte,
on being selected by specific antigen by virtue of its complementary receptor,
would clonally expand and secrete large quantities of the corresponding
antibody. It was found that antibodies had constant and variable regions (Porter
1958), which implied that constancy and variability could be aspects of the
corresponding DNA sequences (Brenner and Milstein 1966). There were
central lymphoid organs, such as the
thymus, where immunological competence was conferred on naive stem cells (Miller
1961). The small lymphocytes emerging from such 'factories' were long-lived and,
assisted by their smallness, were able to circulate around the body, like police
ready to spring into action should an intruder appear (Gowans and Uhr 1966).
When cultured in a synthetic medium containing blood serum, 'resting' small
lymphocytes could be artificially activated by lectins (plant proteins that
bound to cell surfaces). The lymphocytes then enlarged and proliferated,
displaying features similar to those seen within
peripheral lymphoid organs (e.g.
lymph-nodes) in the course of immune responses (Nowell 1960). Thus, by the
mid-1960s the framework within which immunological ideas could be set was better
defined. The demands on those who presumed to offer unifying syntheses had
become more restrictive. The loose hand-waving that might satisfy critics in the
1950s would less likely be tolerated.
In the
course of doctoral studies (1964-1967) in the Department of Biochemistry,
It was a
small step to go from this, to the idea that antibody-like receptors at the
surface of a lymphocyte could be buffered against reaction with specific antigen
by the corresponding free natural antibodies in the body fluids around it. The
natural antibodies that had so excited Jerne would serve not only to bind an
antigen, hence facilitating its disposal, but would also prevent its interaction
with specific lymphocytes. Whether a lymphocyte was activated by specific
antigen was determined by the ratio of the concentration of antigen to the
concentration of the corresponding natural antibody. Thus, the signal given to a
lymphocyte could be modified either by variation in antigen concentration
(numerator), or by variation in antibody concentration (denominator). Within
this framework, there emerged explanations for various immunological phenomena
in terms of the delivery of one of two signals to a lymphocyte - one stimulatory
and one inhibitory. This dispensed with the postulate that whether antigen
stimulated or inhibited lymphocytes depended on their stage of development
(Burnet 1959), or that stimulation required a cellular cofactor (Medawar 1963).
A Few New Things
First mention of the new hypothesis is found in my diary entry
for 23rd April 1966.4 Following an examination of the relevant
literature, a later entry (19th June 1966) declared that 'many main features of
my ideas have already been presented by Jerne 1955, and Lederberg 1959.'
However, I added that there were 'a few new things to say.' A paper setting out
the 'few new things' was kindly read by two
On my
return from Oswestry, I learned of the policy that papers submitted from the
Biochemistry Department had to be approved, prior to submission, by the Head,
Frank G. Young. As a matter of courtesy, I had dropped off a copy of the
paper to his office, together with a paper on the lectin-serum interaction that
I had submitted to the Biochemical Journal.
Young allowed my submission to the
Biochemical Journal to stand (Forsdyke 1967). However, after consulting an
immunologist - Robin Coombs of 'Coombs test' fame - Young insisted (28th
September) that I withdraw the Nature
paper. At my request the Editor returned it.5 At a
subsequent meeting Coombs told me that the paper was not clear and advised that
I leave it a few months and then reconsider. My diary records (29th October
1966) that I sent copies of the paper to various immunologists - Frank McFarlane
Burnet, Peter B. Gell, James Gowans, John Humphrey, Niels Jerne and Joshua
Lederberg. Replies were received from all except the last two. Burnet replied
promptly with encouragement. Humphrey invited me to Mill Hill for a discussion
(17th November). The theory formed a major part of my
Ph.D. thesis, submitted in November 1966 and examined (5th May 1967) by Humphrey
(external examiner) and Kenneth McQuillen (internal examiner). They required
extensive revisions and less emphasis on theoretical aspects. The revised thesis
was submitted on 2nd September, by which time I had relocated to the
A Short Version
Meanwhile, prompted by Coomb's advice, I had written a short
version of the paper citing my doctoral thesis where 'a more extensive
hypothesis' would be found. My diary notes (24th September 1967): 'I have
written - - a very simple, and rather popular theory paper - taking the key
point of my first paper and adapting it to the analogy of the distinction
between "self" and "not-self" in a liquid scintillation counter.'6 On
learning (2nd December 1967) that my Ph.D. thesis had been accepted, I submitted
the paper to the Lancet, giving my
home address, not an institutional address. The paper was accepted without demur
(13th January 1968). I received the page proofs shortly thereafter (23rd
January), and the paper was published on the 10th February (Forsdyke 1968). Later in
the year, after relocation to
Affinity/Avidity Model
While not documented, I recollect that it was during the
correction of the page proofs of the
Journal of Theoretical Biology paper (perhaps in October 1969) that I began
to develop what is now known as the affinity/avidity model8 for the
selection of lymphocyte repertoires. The basic idea was that the antibody-like
receptors borne by lymphocytes could vary in their affinity for antigen. A low
antigen concentration would mainly stimulate lymphocytes with high affinity
receptors. But a high antigen concentration could stimulate lymphocytes with low
affinity receptors (first signal), while giving a second signal (inhibition) to
lymphocytes with high affinity receptors. My two signal hypothesis had suggested
a way (by removing the natural antibody buffer) that those with high affinity
for self antigens could just receive
the second signal (negative selection), even at low antigen concentrations,
while those with low affinity for self antigens could still receive the first
signal (positive selection). Some
notes dated 11th July 1971 give the key elements of the new model.9
But, having left Cambridge with the admonition ringing in my ears - stop
thinking and do experiments, and being required for the first time to coax funds
from granting agencies with plausible stories that did not stretch the
imagination, it made sense to follow the Cambridge advice. In that period my
publications became solidly grounded on the experiments in my laboratory. A paper
reporting antigen dose-response relationships in lymphocyte cultures was
submitted to the Journal of Experimental
Medicine in April 1971. It was returned without having been sent for review.
A succession of rejections followed (Journal
of Immunology, Cellular Immunology,
Biochemical Journal). Experiments
continued and the data soon outgrew the original paper. In 1973 three
interrelated papers were submitted to
Immunology (3rd February) and were collectively accepted (28th March;
Forsdyke 1973a, b, c). In these papers positive selection of lymphocyte
repertoires was briefly referred to, but it was becoming apparent that a
regression to bold public theorizing was in order.
Just as
factual restrictions on the scope of theorizing had increased dramatically in
the decade between Jerne's natural selection theory and my two signal
hypothesis, so between the mid 60s and the mid 70s there were even greater
advances. These included, the sequences and structures of antibodies (Hilschmann
and Craig 1965), the sub-division of small lymphocytes into cooperating
populations (dubbed 'T' to indicate an origin in the thymus and 'B' to indicate
origin in the bone marrow; Claman et al. 1966), and the finding that
immunological responsiveness was influenced by cell surface components that had
a major influence on whether grafts would be accepted between members of the
same species (major histocompatibility complex antigens, MHC antigens;
Benecerraf and McDevitt 1972; Bodmer 1972).10
Furthermore, studies of the reactivity ('alloreactivity') of lymphocytes from
one organism, that had been injected into another member of the same species
('graft-versus-host reaction;' Cock and Simonsen 1957),11 had led
Morten Simonsen to challenge the clonal selection theory. The frequency of
alloreactive cells was 'too high to be compatible with the orthodox version of
clonal selection' (Nisbet et al. 1969). In other words, organisms seemed to have
put all their eggs into the alloreactivity basket. Their repertoires were so
misshapen that insufficient reactivity was left for the universe of other
antigens that might be encountered. Thus, as later expressed, 'the thymic
education of T cells provides them with blinkers' (Simonsen 1990).
Jerne's Defense of
Clonal Selection
Now approaching his sixtieth birthday and director of the
newly founded Basel Institute for Immunology, Jerne met his fellow Dane's
challenge with a new theory: 'One of my basic intentions in formulating the
present theory was to save the clonal selection theory from the consequences of
Simonsen's argument' (Jerne 1970, p. 359). Since skin grafts between parents are
always rejected, it seemed likely that their child, containing MHC antigens from
both parents, would need to define 'self' afresh. Accordingly, the orthodox
version of the clonal selection theory required diverse lymphocytes, each with a
distinct antigen specificity, to be randomly generated during the life of an
individual organism. At the outset, those reactive with an organism's own
antigens would be eliminated. This orthodox version placed no onus on the
variable genes themselves, save that their sequences and structures should not
have mutated over evolutionary time in
a way that would impede subsequent diversification, on a cell by cell basis,
over somatic time. This would then
permit the generation of a spectrum of specificities, one for each lymphocyte.
Lymphocytes that emerged from this self/not-self discrimination filter would
suffice to confront the universe of foreign antigens. Jerne
begged to differ. His speculations were first released as a privately circulated
'samizdat' document,12 then as a World Health Organization (WHO)
document (Jerne, 1969), and then as part of the proceedings of a conference held
at Brooke Lodge (May 1970), where there was extensive discussion by Simonsen and
others (Jerne, 1970). A submission to the
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences was declined because it was
too long (Soderqvist 2003, p. 265). The final version came to immediate
prominence in 1971 as the first paper in the first issue of the
European Journal of Immunology (Jerne
1971). This was the year of the First International Congress of Immunology,
which can be seen as culminating Jerne's efforts, through WHO, to further
international cooperation in immunology (Soderqvist, 2003, p. 229). Jerne
proposed that the generation of diversity in a 'mutant breeding organ' (thymus
or bone marrow) would have been driven by self antigens - in particular, by self
MHC antigens: 'I don't really want to define too precisely the set of
cell-surface antigens against which antibodies are determined by the v-genes in
my theory. But let us try the assumption that the surface antigens involved are
a certain set of major histocompatibility antigens' (Jerne 1970, p. 349). Thus,
the DNA encoding antibody variable regions (v-genes) would have been selected
over evolutionary time to determine
reactivity with MHC antigens. Organisms that did not display sufficient
reactivity would have been eliminated by natural selection. Germ line DNA was
not a blank slate upon which somatic
mutational processes would subsequently act. DNA
already encoded MHC reactivity. The
repertoire was biased towards reactivity with MHC antigens.
Jerne
acknowledged: 'It is easiest to understand the presence of a set of germ-line
v-genes if its maintenance were subject to a strong evolutionary selection
pressure' (Jerne 1971). Yet, what could that selection pressure be? 'I assume
that antibodies directed against self components on cell surfaces have some
important function in ontogeny, namely in the cell to cell recognition that is
needed for the formation of specialized tissues and for morphogenesis.' This was
more simply stated in an earlier version (Jerne 1970, p. 349): 'I assume than an
embryo cannot even develop, let alone an individual survive, unless its cells
can make antibodies that fit to the surface antigens of the individual.' That
Jerne was somewhat out of his depth here, is indicated by an allusion in the
final paper (Jerne 1971) to the offspring
of mules (which, being sterile, do not have offspring). If we forgive his
sweeping assumptions (and many were so inclined),13 it seemed that, in one fell swoop, Jerne had explained the
'Simonsen phenomenon.' Since the distinction between B cells and T cells had
only recently emerged, it was easy to suppose that the theory applied 'equally
to cells that make antibodies for secretion [B cell lineage], and for those
cells that incorporate the antibodies only on their surfaces as receptors [T
cell lineage]'14 (Jerne 1970, p. 345). There were added subtleties. For any individual, two lymphocyte subsets were postulated. The Simonsen phenomenon (alloreactivity) was due to a subset with receptors directed against the MHC antigens of the species that the individual did not possess (allogeneic histocompatibility antigens; subset A).15 These receptors were directed against all the MHC 'cards' that nature had available to deal out, less those that had been dealt out to that particular individual. Thus, the A subset genes, by definition, did not encode reactivity with 'self' MHC antigens. But the individual, while not reacting against its own antigens, had to develop reactivity against the universe of other possible antigens (not necessarily MHC antigens) that might be encountered. This was where the second subset came in. Lymphocytes of the second subset started out with receptors directed against the MHC antigens that the individual happened to have inherited from its parents (subset S). Jerne postulated that the corresponding v-genes would be subject to mutation in the mutant breeding organ, so that the affinity of lymphocyte receptors for self MHC would erode and new affinities for foreign antigens that might later confront the organism, would randomly arise. If a cell failed to mutate sufficiently (i.e. it retained reactivity with self-MHC) it would be destroyed (negative selection). It should be noted that there was no suggestion of selection for self reactivity (positive selection; Forsdyke 1995b). For Jerne, a cell of subset S: 'proliferates, perhaps because a hormone stimulates the proliferation of all stem cells entering the thymus. Possibly, the histocompatibility antigens in the thymus which fit to cell receptors provide additional stimulation. I assume, however, that for this same reason none of the cells of this "forbidden" clone will be permitted to leave the thymus as antigen-sensitive cells, but that they will eventually all die out' (Jerne 1971). Only cells of subset S that could mutate would survive, so that: 'finally, cells will arise that have entirely lost their fit to the histocompatibility antigens of the individual itself.' Thus, there was ongoing proliferation in the thymus and it was the absence of negative selection that, in Jerne's view, allowed cells with v-gene mutations to survive. The role of intrathymic self-histocompatibility antigens in driving the proliferation of the S subset was an afterthought - a way of getting the mutations that would not be seen in subset A, even though these cells would also be proliferating. There was no implication of the S subset being positively selected somatically for the ability to react with not-self histocompatibility antigens (the role of the A subset as determined in the germ-line). Jerne (1971) concluded: 'The restriction of ontogenic selection to random mutants of cells expressing v-genes of subset S thus determines both the responsiveness to certain types of antigen and the range of antibody specificities that an individual animal can produce, so that, indirectly, these properties are under dominant control of histocompatibility genes.' The possibility that development from an initially biased state (anti-self MHC) might so restrict the range of final specificities that responses to some pathogens might be compromised, was not entertained. Nor was there further clarification of 'indirectly.' I met Jerne briefly at a Woods Hole conference in September 1973, but I cannot recall that we discussed science.
Positive Repertoire Selection
There is no record as to when I began writing a new theoretical paper. Not the least of many distractions was Watergate, famous for: 'What did he know, and when did he know it?' The Journal of Theoretical Biology records that my paper was received 28th May 1974. My diary records (4th January 1975) that the paper was accepted 'after 5 months delay without explanation.' It was published in July (Forsdyke 1975). Like Jerne's, my paper treated lymphoid cells generically without a distinction between T and B lymphocytes, but there was no division into subsets. My model was derived from the first principles set out in my two signal papers, and from consideration of the probability that a pathogenic microbe (e.g. virus) would usually adapt by mutation quicker than its host. A microbe that could, in one step, mutate one of its surface antigens from a form that was not-self with respect to its host, to a form that was self with respect to its host, would have largely overcome the host's immune defences with respect to that antigen. It could then exploit the 'holes' in the repertoire that had been created by the elimination of self-reacting lymphocytes. However, mutation is generally a stepwise process. If a microbe (not-self), by mutating a step towards self along the path from not-self to self, could secure a selective advantage, then the mutant form would come to dominate the microbe population. If a microbe from this mutant population, by mutating a further step along the path, secured a further advantage, then this new mutant form would, in turn, come to dominate the population. Thus, an average member of the microbe population would progressively become better adapted, to the detriment of the host. This supposes that progressive mutation along the not-self-to-self path would be increasingly advantageous to the microbe. However, the advantage would be lost if, as it mutated closer to host-self, the microbe encountered progressively stiffer host defences. Thus, positive selection of lymphocytes for specificities that were very close to, but not quite, anti-self, could be an important host adaptation providing 'a barrier opposing the progressive evolution of the surface determinants of a pathogen into forms identical with the surface determinants of its host' (Forsdyke 1975). To emphasize this proximity to self, positive selection was described as the somatic generation of repertoires that would have been preselected to respond against 'near-self' antigenic determinants. Thus, MHC involvement would have been an automatic consequence of the positive selection of 'anti-near-self' cells during their initial maturation. The ideas of positive selection and of its mechanism came as one conceptual package. By virtue of their priming by self, some of the anti-near-self cells would cross-react with foreign MHC antigens, so would correspond to Jerne's A subset. The need to take into account total population-size homeostasis was also emphasized, so that an increase in a population of one affinity would require proportionate decreases in other populations.
'Near Self' or 'Altered Self'?
Shortly before the submission of my paper, there appeared in Nature a paper by Rolf Zinkernagel and Peter Doherty (1974). Extending earlier work on MHC-restriction of B and T cell cooperation, they had shown that T cell-mediated cytotoxicity was also MHC-restricted. Their paper, which to date (2010) has received 1515 citations, was the basis of their Nobel prize (Zinkernagel and Doherty 1997). Instead of my term 'near self,' which emphasized how close an antigen might be to self, they had used the term 'altered self,' which emphasized the fact of a difference from self. The relative merits of the two terms are discussed elsewhere (Forsdyke 2005). The paper of Zinkernagel and Doherty (1974) does not appear among my cited references (Forsdyke 1975). While not documented, I recollect that I read it some time after its publication date (19th April), and prior to submission of my paper (about 20th May). Since it supported my viewpoint, I considered adding it to my cited references, but did not want to imply that my paper was in any way derivative of theirs. While treating host cell surface antigens generically, I had already indicated the possibility of MHC involvement both by citing two MHC papers (Benecerraf and McDevitt 1972; Bodmer 1972), and by mentioning, not in a way that can be deemed prescient, a possible association of pathogen surface antigenic determinants with host cell surface components - a theme later developed more extensively (Forsdyke 1991). The term 'near-self' is in my notes dated July 1st 1971, and the concept was touched upon in 1973: when discussing '"self" antigens capable of stimulating low specificity anti-self cells,' I remarked that: 'A high concentration of such low specificity cells would be predicted from theoretical considerations previously advanced'(Forsdyke 1973a). A decade later the differential affinity/avidity model was independently introduced for T lymphocytes by Jonathan Sprent (Lo and Sprent 1986; Sprent and Webb 1987). Although for some time opposed by the 'peptide' model (Claverie and Kourilsky 1986; Marrack and Kappler 1987), it eventually became widely accepted as applying generically to both T and B lymphocytes (Gaudin et al. 2004; Wen et al. 2005). Thus, Janeway (2001) concluded: 'Both the mature, naive T cell repertoire and the mature, naive B cell repertoire are generated by interaction with self-ligands rather than non-self ligands. These self ligands can signal B and T lymphocytes to mature and to survive.' Cancro and Kierney (2004) pondered 'the underlying biological rationale' of the positive selection of B and T lymphocytes, and the role of 'unaccounted structural space' (i.e. holes in lymphocyte repertoires). They envisaged the development of 'subthreshold self reactivity" (i.e. near-self), which would minimize 'potential evasion by rapid microbial evolution.' This came close to the case made in my 1975 paper that, to date (2010), has received only 4 independent citations.
Discussion
A published theory may not necessarily be first, but it can be
foundational (in a constructive sense). Sometimes it can be both - the classical
example being Gregor Mendel's discovery of what we now call genes. Mendel's
paper (1865) later became foundational even though it only began to influence
others in 1900. In the interim no alternative foundational challenger had
emerged (Cock and Forsdyke 2008). On the other hand, Paul Ehrlich (1900),
although first in many respects, seems not to have been foundational in terms of
influencing those who opened up immunology in the 1950s (Forsdyke 1995a). Yet
surely science would better advance if all firsts were foundational? Rather than
dismissing non-foundational firsts as premature (Barber 1961; Zuckerman and
Lederberg 1986), an important task for historians of science would seem to be
(i) collecting cases of temporal gaps between first and foundational, (ii) for
each case determining the reasons for the gap, (iii) comparing cases in search
of common elements and, if such are found, (iv) making conclusions available to
science policy advisors (Forsdyke, 2000). In this way, taking immunology as an
example, we might hope to accelerate progress towards effective treatments of
autoimmune diseases (e.g. rheumatoid arthritis), and infections (e.g. AIDS). From a
'presentist' perspective (Harrison 1987), Jerne's first theoretical immunology
paper (the natural selection theory; Jerne, 1955) later appeared primitive
relative to the sophisticated cellular hypothesis advanced by Ehrlich a half
century earlier (Forsdyke 1995a). Indeed, so rapid were developments in
molecular biology that, by the time of publication Jerne's proposed mechanisms
were already obsolete (Cohn 1994). Protein directly begetting protein (more
antibody) was inconsistent with much of genetics and molecular biology. If a
cell could somehow 'read' a protein and turn that information into nucleic acid,
Jerne's idea might have worked, because nucleic acid can beget nucleic acid, and
that nucleic acid can then beget more of the protein. But no mechanism for
directly 'reading' a protein into nucleic acid was known then, or has since
emerged. Yet
Jerne's natural selection theory has proved both first and foundational in two
important respects - he overcame 'Ehrlich's dilemma,' and he pointed out the
need for a randomization process to generate potential reactivity to a wide
range of antigens. Influential contemporaries (e.g. Linus Pauling) were then
wedded to the idea that a foreign antigen 'instructs' a cell to make
complementary antibody. To flatten any opposition, they needed only to point to
Ehrlich's dilemma - it was inconceivable that an organism could be prepared in
advance for the infinite range of antigens that might possibly present
themselves (Ehrlich 1900). Indeed, it was not until Burnet brought Jerne's paper
to his attention, that Lederberg saw a way round this problem (Lederberg 1994).
Jerne's
studies of the avidity of serum antibody activity after immunization had
revealed to him that 'among the population of circulating globulin molecules'
there could be some 'better-fitting' an antigen than others. There could be a
'"low grade" antibody of low combining capacity' and a '"more avid" antibody of
high combining power.' So the affinity of an antibody for an antigen was a
matter of degree. 'The number of specific configurations which a globulin
molecule can exhibit is large' and 'since normal mammalian serum contains more
than 1017 globulin molecules per milliliter, these may include a
million 1011 fractions of different specificity. This would seem an
amply sufficient number.' So 'there will - - be fractions possessing affinity
toward any antigen to which the animal can respond.' Ehrlich's dilemma was false
(Jerne, 1955). And how might an organism arrive at an 'amply sufficient number'?
Jerne further proposed that: 'Somewhere in the beginning - - we have to postulate
a spontaneous production of globulin molecules of a great variety of random
specificities in order to start the process.' This might occur in 'a specialized
lymphoid tissue, such as the thymus.'
What remained puzzling is why Jerne did not go further.
Jerne had invoked 'multiplication of the cells' that made antibody, and in 1995
I assumed
that, had he known of Ehrlich's
side chain theory, he would have quickly realized that his proposed
randomization process could have occurred at the cellular level (Forsdyke
1995a). Others were already toying with the idea. It was in the air. Indeed, in
his biography Soderqvist (2003, p. 221) related that a few months after
publication of the natural selection theory a young colleague, Jorgen Sparck,
had suggested that cells were the selection unit, but Jerne 'was evasive and did
not accept it.'
It is now
apparent (Soderqvist 2003, p. 179) that, in an early draft of the 1955 paper,
Jerne had indeed discussed Ehrlich's theory, but had omitted this from the final
version. Jerne had conceded to Soderqvist that he might have been unconsciously
influenced by his prior reading of Ehrlich's papers but, as far as he was aware,
the key idea came out of the blue. Soderqvist speculated that Jerne 'wanted to
be unique, that he opted for originality rather than displaying his
connectedness with tradition.' The fact
that Jerne did know of Ehrlich's work is surprising since it seems such
a short step to go from the selection of antibodies to the selection of cells.
Jerne did not take that step, perhaps because he suspected that his solution of
Ehrlich's dilemma would seem less cogent if the diversifying unit were cellular.
Within an organism there are far fewer lymphocytes than globulin molecules. If
each cell corresponded to one distinctive antibody specificity (one cell one
antibody) then, although the antibody combining region might adopt a large
'number of specific configurations,' this might not be sufficient for the
organism to confront the universe of potential antigens? There would be more
holes in the repertoire that a pathogen could exploit, and perhaps Jerne was not
prepared to consider this possibility.
Jerne's second major
theoretical immunology paper was his defense of clonal selection (Jerne 1971).
It was a first in suggesting that germ-line variable region genes had been
preselected over evolutionary time to encode reactivity with the MHC antigens of
the species, but it was not foundational in two respects: his explanation of why
there should have been this preselection was vague, and later investigations of
antibody receptor structures gave only a hint of preadaptation for MHC
reactivity (Huseby et al. 2004;
Scott-Browne et al. 2009; Roomp and Domingues 2011).
Thus, germ-line v-genes, at least in the antigen-combining regions, are
essentially blank slates. It is mainly
after somatic variation and selection for MHC-reactivity, that such
reactivity becomes evident. Jerne's assertion that 'germ-line v-genes code very
precisely for antibodies that fit to a certain set of histocompatibility
antigens, i. e. that these postulated genes determine antibodies that fit to the
surface antigens of cells of the same animal species,' was incorrect. However,
in the years that followed, his 1971 paper received many citations. It might be
thought that it was foundational because it had focused attention on the
Simonsen phenomenon and MHC antigens, but these were already subjects of high
immunological interest.
In contrast, my paper presenting the affinity/avidity
model (Forsdyke 1975) has, to date (2010), received only 4 independent
citations. Since it cited Jerne's 1971 paper, a naive future historian might
regard his paper as foundational in this respect. However, as set out here, my
model was independently developed from the premises set out in my earlier two
signal papers, which might accordingly be regarded as foundational. Yet,
although it would now appear that my affinity/avidity paper (Forsdyke 1975) was
a first, it was not foundational in that others (i.e. Sprent and his coauthors)
developed similar models while being unaware of mine. To date (2010) the paper
of Lo and Sprent (1986) has received 305 citations, Sprent and Webb (1987) 210
citations, and a later review (Sprent et al. 1988) 408 citations. Podolsky and
Tauber (1997, pp. 331-332) imply that positive selection became apparent in
1986.
Jerne's third major theoretical
immunology paper (Jerne 1974) presented his 'network' theory
(Soderqvist 2003, pp. 273-277). The details of this and of
its apparent downfall need not concern us here, save for a recent historical
comment (Tauber 2010):
'This theory
enjoyed a great vogue from its presentation in 1974 through the 1980s - - . That
major textbooks completely omitted any mention of Jerne's network by the late
1990s reflects how other theoretical concerns vying for dominance signify a key
conceptual struggle within the discipline that dates to its origins.' Thus, like
his 1971 paper, it now seems to have been first, incorrect, and
non-foundational.
Concluding Remarks
I have here considered the being
first role, and the
foundational role, of immunological theories over the period when the clonal
selection theory was being established and extended (1955-1975). New
observations and theories that followed this period have been considered only to
the extent that they document the foundational impact of the earlier theories. A
central figure in the paradigmatic transition was Niels Jerne. His natural
selection theory of antibody formation (1955), although mechanistically
primitive, was both a first and foundational
in that it resolved Ehrlich's dilemma, predicted a randomization process by
which antibody repertoires would be generated, and greatly influenced
contemporary scientists. For jolting Burnet out of his Lamarckist mindset
(Podolsky and Tauber 1997: p. 36) to embrace a Darwinian selective model, we
remain in Jerne's debt. This, and
Jerne's later speculations (1971, 1974), led the chairman of the Nobel Prize
committee to conclude that his 'visionary theories caused modern immunology to
make major leaps of progress. Several concepts in immunology now considered as
self-evident have their roots in some of his pioneering thoughts' (Wigzell
1984). '"The king of theorists has finally been crowned" exclaimed - -
evolutionary geneticist Susumo Ohno' (Soderqvist 2003, p. 283). A leading
immunologist later declared that 'Jerne first invented positive selection,' but
added that although 'his original model was simple, attractive and insightful,'
it had 'predicted several things that have since been shown to be wrong'
(Matzinger 1993). When reviewing 'Jerne's legacy,' other leading immunologists
concluded that most of his ideas 'have turned out to be incorrect' (Huseby et
al. 2004). This was because 'he was missing essential information.' They
believed that, although 'he and others correctly anticipated the phenomenon of
central tolerance, he could not have
predicted the idea of positive selection' (my italics). I have here argued
to the contrary that (i) Jerne did not
'invent' positive selection, but (ii) information to make that prediction
was available. While, in future, it
may be determined that my chain of reasoning - from information to prediction -
was naive, I have shown here that the prediction of positive selection was
possible even if by some perhaps
incorrect chain of reasoning. Although
one can agree that Jerne's later ideas (1971, 1974) were ingenious and, indeed,
'visionary,' it does not now appear that they were correct visions. As more
personal accounts of the protagonists become available (e.g. Simonsen 1990, Cohn
1994;
Zinkernagel and Doherty 1997; Bretscher 2004),
historians may come to question whether 'major leaps of progress'
resulted (Radick 2008). An alternative scenario is that his 'pioneering
thoughts' led immunologists down blind alleys, thus diverting resources from
projects that might have advanced knowledge more expeditiously. Following the
establishment line is likely to guarantee research funds; failure to follow that
line can be professionally hazardous, especially for young researchers (Forsdyke
2000). In this respect we should note that Jerne was 'critical of the prevailing
research policy, which stimulated young scientists to sequence a bit of a gene
but prevented them taking on more theoretical tasks' (Soderqvist 2003, p. 288).
If we wish for 'fewer instances of rediscovering the wheel' (Brent 1997, p. xi),
we must take into account all opinions, young and old (Cock and Forsdyke 2008,
pp. 643-666). AcknowledgementsQueen's University hosts my theoretical immunology webpages
where some of the cited references, including that of Ehrlich, may be found.
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1 Typically a virus (antigen) provokes the synthesis of immunoglobulins (antibodies) that bind the virus and destroy it. The clonal selection theory postulated that one cell of the immune system (lymphocyte) corresponds to one antibody specificity (e.g. specificity for virus A, but not for virus B). An antigen would select a particular cell from the pre-existing repertoire of cells. This cell would then multiply into a clone that would secrete its specific antibody into body fluids (e.g. lymph and blood plasma). 2 An organism can prepare an antibody repertoire
randomly in the hope that, by chance, there will be at least one antibody that
can combine with an invading foreign antigen. Alternatively, the organism can,
in advance, shape the repertoire taking into account some property common to
certain antigens. This shaping can be said to bias, or restrict, the repertoire.
If the antigens are MHC, then the repertoire is said to be 'MHC-restricted.' 3 An organism has its own antigens. There is a
need to suppress a cell that can make antibody against these ('self'), and to
stimulate a cell that can make antibody against foreign antigens ('not self').
Thus, an antigen has the potential to give one of 'two signals' to a lymphocyte,
which hence is selected either positively (clonal expansion) or negatively
(clonal deletion or suppression). 4 Photocopies of diary entries are in Queen's
University Archives. These may also be viewed at
http://www.queensu.ca/academia/forsdyke/theorimm9.htm. 5 A copy of the paper submitted to
Nature in 1966 (F9264) is in Queen's
University Archives. 6 I learned of the two signal mechanism for distinguishing signals in a liquid scintillation counter from a manufacturer's technical manual, probably read in 1965. In 1967 I saw this as a helpful marketing metaphor, but do not believe it influenced the emergence of my two signal ideas in 1966. 7 I later discovered that Bretcher was a
contemporary at 8 An antibody may bind an antigen because of the affinity of an individual combining site, but the observed strength of binding (avidity) may reflect binding at multiple sites. Since it is difficult to distinguish these, the model is referred to as the affinity/avidity model. To simplify, this paper refers mainly to affinity. Likewise, often 'antigen' is used where the term 'antigenic determinant,' or 'epitope,' might be more appropriate. 9 Photocopies of dated notes are in Queen's University Archives. These may also be viewed at http://www.queensu.ca/academia/forsdyke/theorimm9.htm. There are other notes, but these are not clearly dated. 10 For the synthesis of most antigens, the species 'pack' usually contains only two gene 'cards.' You hold two - one from your father and one from your mother. So these 'cards' can be either the same (e.g. YY or ZZ), or mixed (e.g. YZ). On the other hand, for the synthesis of MHC antigens the species 'pack' contains many 'cards' (e.g. A, B, C, - - X, Y, Z), but you still can hold only two (e.g. BX). So, if genetic shuffling is thorough (unbiased), it is unlikely that the two MHC antigen 'cards' you inherited from your parents will be the same. This means that the differences between graft and host that determine graft rejection are mainly differences in MHC antigens. 11 When skin from one individual (donor) is grafted to another individual (host), it is rejected by host lymphocytes ('host-versus-graft reaction'). When lymphocytes from one individual (donor) are injected ('grafted') into another individual (host), the lymphocytes attempt to reject their host ('graft-versus-host reaction'). 12 Jerne, N. K. 1969. The generation of self-tolerance and of
antibody diversity. A copy of this privately circulated document, bearing the
stamp 'Dr. Melvin Cohn, Aug 11 1969,' was received by the present author in
October 1970 by way of 13 Bodmer (1972) disagreed on population genetic grounds: 'A principle, almost insurmountable difficulty with Jerne's hypothesis - - is that it seems to require strict parallel evolution at the population level of histocompatibility antigen genes and immunoglobulin v genes. Thus, - - as soon as a new histocompatibility antigen arises by mutation or recombination, the corresponding germ line v gene coding for the antibody specificity directed against this new antigen must somehow almost immediately spread through the whole species.' 14 Cells of the T cell lineage (cytotoxic T cells), by virtue of their antibody-like surface receptors, can react with antigens at the surface of target cells and destroy the cells. 15 Jerne postulated subsets A an S. Subset S would be 'cards' BX in the example above, and subset A would be the remaining 'cards' in the species pack (A, C, D, - - W, Y, Z).
End Note June 2011 Eichman's Network Collective
End Note Jan 2012 MHC as Blank Slate Scenario
End Note Feb 2013 Mel backs off
End Note Mar 2013 Absense-of-Knowledge Postulate
End Note Oct 2013 Two Signal Support
End Note Oct 2014 Positive Selection Support
End Note Aug 2016 Natural Antibody Blank Slate Scenario
End Note Sept 2017 Close to Self and Near-Self
End Note Dec 2017 Non-Germ-Line Influence on TCR
End Note May 2018 Germinal Centre B Cell Positive Selection
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